Political Insider

Haiti Simmers on the Back Burner

by Wilbur Babb

Remember Haiti? How soon we forget. By rights, this year should be a happy time for the country's 8.3 million people as Haiti commemorates it's bicentennial. Instead, 2004 is shaping up to be a confused, gloomy and bloody year. Ironically, 200 years ago, Haiti stood on the doorstep of bright hopes and promise. In 1804, following a long and violent slave uprising under national hero Toussaint L'Ouverture, Haiti became the first black republic in the world and only the second territory in the Western Hemisphere to win freedom from its colonial master, France. Today, Haiti is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, has a decimated economy and about the only natural resources are copper and human capital. Its Caribbean locale holds potential for tourism development, but it's virtually impossible to attract commerce to a nation so historically beset with turmoil. Every few years, Haiti shudders with political violence, which worsens its chronic, grinding poverty by discouraging foreign investment and domestic entrepreneurship.

In late February, 2004, Haiti was on the verge of a bloodbath when President Jean Bertrand Aristide faced an internal rebellion and fled the country in yet another episode of political turmoil. When rebels descended on the capital, at least 300 people were killed in the subsequent power struggle. Revenge killings and looting ran rampant as police were scattered or nonexistent. Aristide's departure left the tiny Caribbean nation facing the same deep-seated woes it had when he was first elected in 1991. Following Aristide's departure, the new government was supposed to be one of national reconciliation. But the interim prime minister Gerard Latortue, swiftly aligned himself with Aristide's opposition including rebel leader Guy Philippe and several of the local gangsters, whom he called "freedom fighters." The new interim government has proclaimed its intention to prosecute Aristide and some of his key followers, but offered no hint of a plan to prepare the country for economic & political stability.

In retrospect, no tears should be shed over the fall of Aristide's corrupt and incompetent government. But regardless of Aristide's faults, he was a democratically elected head of state who should have been afforded protection. President Bush should have acted sooner to defend what is left of Haiti's tattered democracy and bolster security on the ground. By doing neither and pressuring Aristide to flee, the administration complicated the already difficult job of fostering respect for democracy in Haiti. The U.S. lead interim stabilization force of 3,500 troops has been unable to establish itself beyond the country's three largest cities. Consequently, much of the rest of the countryside remains in the hands of Philippe's armed rebels. It was a mission the Bush administration did its best to avoid, following years of neglecting Haiti and months of trying to hand off management of its mounting crisis to others.

Today, the focus should be on what steps Washington and the world can take to strengthen Haiti over the long term. Humanitarian principles call on the United States, France and other governments to stop the lawlessness in Haiti and to reopen secure supply lines for the delivery of foreign aid. Unlike past interventions, this time a long-range plan should be put forward by the U.S., France, United Nations, the Organization of American States and the Caribbean Community. Examples should be taken from Chile and Brazil - two nations that in the past suffered their own share of political violence and repression but that today are far more democratic and economically stable. The circumstances that once faced Chile and Brazil - as bad as they were - didn't compare with the seething, beggarly conditions roiling in Haiti. But the willingness of Chile and Brazil to participate in the new mission could show Haitians that their own desperate problems could be solved.

U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan has appealed for a major new effort to rebuild Haiti's government, police and political institutions. Without a nation-building program of at least a decade's duration, Haiti will undoubtedly experience continued or worsening chaos. Some midlevel American officials agree that U.S. engagement with Haiti is essential. They are studying how the United States might participate in such areas as training police and building up democratic institutions, provided funds could be diverted from other foreign aid programs. But they are mired in debate with Bush administration policymakers who oppose further aid. So far, the Bush administration's response to this forthright challenge looks a lot like another dodge as Secretary of State Colin L. Powell, recently told a congressional committee that the administration will not ask for any supplemental appropriations for Haiti this year. The current budget is $44 million -- about 2 percent of what the United States is spending on reconstruction in Afghanistan.

The United States and the international community's short attention span has ill-served its own goals and the needs of the Haitian people. The circumstances in Haiti are not unlike those facing the provisional governments in Afghanistan and Iraq. But our military misadventures on the other side of the world will only serve to weaken hopes for democracy in our own hemisphere. The U.S and the international community must help Haiti develop and execute a comprehensive long-term recovery plan to regain political stability. Only then can Haiti's moribund economy attract the investment capital and brain power it needs to enter the 21st century - and a new era of hope for the Haitian people who have suffered far more than their share of violence and despair.

About Wilbur Babb, Jr. M.P.A.

Wilbur presided over Local Government Affairs for the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA). In this stimulating new column, Wilbur reports on government, politics, and topics of concern to our communities, as well as adding insights and analysis from an "insider's perspective". Wilbur has a unique way of making politics exciting, while explaining current events in relationship to political history. A former special assistant to former Assembly Speaker Willie L. Brown Jr., Wilbur's career has had increasing responsibility serving as legislative assistant, consultant, and mapping strategist for various politicians, organizations, and political campaigns. On a grassroots level, he has demonstrated a genuine commitment to equal voting access by managing voter registration campaigns targeting high school seniors. He has also developed a mentor program for young African-American boys in grade school, all while serving on various boards and commissions of the UCLA Alumni Association.